What the data actually shows

Researchers describe much consumption as identity-based or symbolic: people choose products partly for what those products say about who they are or want to be, not only for their function. This 'self-signaling' works in two directions — outward to others and inward to ourselves. Buying the gear of a runner can feel like evidence, to ourselves, that we are the kind of person who runs.

Psychologists have a name for the targets of this kind of spending: 'possible selves' — the future versions of ourselves we hope to become or fear becoming. Hazel Markus and Paula Nurius introduced the concept in 1986, and it helps explain aspirational purchases: we are equipping a self that exists mostly as a hope. The trouble is that buying the equipment is the easy step, and behaviour change is the hard one.

The gap shows up most visibly in underused purchases. Gym memberships are the classic example studied by behavioural economists, where people routinely pay for far more access than they end up using, in part because they buy for an idealized, high-attendance future self. The same dynamic appears across unused exercise equipment, hobby kits, and aspirational clothing — bought by the self we picture, left unused by the self we are.

Why this feels different from how it actually is

Aspirational buying feels different in the moment because the purchase delivers a small, real hit of the future identity right away. Imagining yourself using the thing — fit, fluent, accomplished — is pleasurable, and the buy lets you feel that future briefly without having done any of the work. The anticipation is genuine even when the follow-through never comes.

It also feels rational, because each individual purchase has a plausible story. The course really could make you fluent; the equipment really could support the habit. What is hard to see in the moment is the base rate — how often, across all such purchases, the imagined use fails to materialise. We judge each buy by its best-case story rather than by our actual track record.

And identity-based spending is heavily reinforced by marketing, which sells the self rather than the object. Advertising routinely attaches products to an aspirational identity, so the pull you feel toward 'the person you'd be with this' is partly manufactured — which does not make the feeling less real, but does make it worth examining.

It is easier and faster to acquire the symbol of a self than to become it.
On aspirational buying

What the research says to do about it

The most useful move is to separate the identity you want from the purchase that claims to deliver it, and to test the behaviour before equipping it. If the aspiration is to become a runner, the honest signal is whether you are already running, not whether you own the shoes — building the habit first and buying for it second avoids equipping a self who never shows up.

Checking your own base rate helps more than judging each purchase on its story. Looking honestly at how much you actually used your last few aspirational buys gives a more reliable forecast than the best-case narrative for the next one. People who anchor to their real track record tend to buy for who they are rather than for who they imagine becoming.

Where the underlying want is genuine, the research on durable satisfaction points toward spending on the experience of doing the thing rather than on owning its symbols — a class you attend over the equipment you might use, for instance. The effects are modest, but they favour participation over accumulation.

What the research says does not help

Buying the equipment in the hope that it will create the habit rarely works on its own. Possessions can support a behaviour you are already doing, but the evidence does not suggest that owning the gear reliably produces the underlying change — the future self has to do the work the object cannot do for it.

Upgrading to a more serious or expensive version to 'commit' is a common move that tends to raise the stakes without raising the follow-through. A bigger purchase buys a stronger feeling of the future identity in the moment, not a higher likelihood of actually living it.

Harsh self-judgment about past aspirational buys is both common and unhelpful. This is a widespread, well-documented pattern rather than a personal failing, and treating it as a character flaw tends to add guilt without changing the behaviour. Understanding the mechanism is more useful than blame.

We are unusually good at buying for who we want to be, and unusually bad at predicting whether that self will show up to use the purchase.
On possible selves

What this looks like in real life

Illustrative

The running shoes bought by a future runner

Someone who isn't yet running buys quality shoes, and the purchase delivers a small, real hit of the future identity right away — imagining themselves fit and disciplined feels good without any of the work. The honest signal, though, is whether they're already running, not whether they own the shoes. Bought by the self they picture, the gear is often left unused by the self they are.

Illustrative

Judging the buy by its story, not your record

Each aspirational purchase has a plausible tale — the course really could make you fluent, the equipment really could support the habit. What's hard to see in the moment is the base rate: how often the imagined use fails to materialise. Looking honestly at how much you actually used your last few such buys forecasts the next one better than its best-case narrative.

Real numbers in context

There is no single reliable figure for how much spending is aspirational, and any precise percentage you see should be treated with caution. What the research supports is a direction rather than a number: a meaningful share of purchases is made for an idealized future self, and a meaningful share of those ends up underused. The gym-membership studies are the clearest documented case of paying for far more than we use.

The underlying mechanism — identity-based consumption aimed at 'possible selves' — is well established in the psychology and consumer-behaviour literature, even where the exact magnitudes are not. The honest takeaway is about the pattern: we are unusually good at buying for who we want to be, and unusually bad at predicting whether that self will show up to use the purchase.

Possible selves
Future versions of ourselves much aspirational spending equips
Markus & Nurius, 1986
Self-signaling
Buying as evidence to ourselves of who we are becoming
Identity-based consumption research
Underused
Common fate of purchases bought for an idealized future self
Gym-membership behavioural studies